UK/EU - A Closer Disunion?
The Why? CurveSeptember 05, 2024x
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UK/EU - A Closer Disunion?

Keir Starmer is pushing for a reset of relations with the European Union, but has ruled out rejoining in his lifetime. So how close can or should the UK get? How welcome is Britain in Brussels after all the Brexit grief? And does the changing tone of public opinion here mean he can easily get past the toxicity of Brexit for both the Labour Party and the country? David Henig, Director of the UK Trade Project at the European Centre For International Political Economy, tells Phil and Roger how the path back to the EU might begin.

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[00:00:00] The Why Curve, Phil Dobbie and Roger Heering

[00:00:03] Back into Europe, Keir Starmer's the first UK leader since the 2016 referendum to signal

[00:00:09] he wants closer ties with the EU. And the polls suggest public attitudes here have shifted

[00:00:15] dramatically since Brexit. Even so, Labour still seems terrified of what's been a toxic issue.

[00:00:21] Rejoining may be a far away dream, but there are other options. Free movement,

[00:00:26] at least for young people, could be back on the agenda. And some accommodation with the

[00:00:30] single market and customs union might be possible. So are we heading back towards Brussels?

[00:00:35] And how far does the EU want to deal again with the troublesome nation that caused them so many

[00:00:40] headaches as we struggle to leave? The Why Curve. I don't know why we don't just go back in.

[00:00:47] I know you don't know me, but I can give you a whole list of reasons.

[00:00:50] Well, the only reason would be because people are dissatisfied with the idea of that,

[00:00:54] but most people would be quite happy. The polls suggest people are far more open to that,

[00:01:00] but there's massive issues apart from the else. I think the way the polls were before it actually

[00:01:04] happened, it had pretty much turned, hadn't it? We had the vote and then after the vote,

[00:01:10] even before we enacted it, people were thinking this is a bad idea.

[00:01:14] But don't forget that Boris Johnson won the 2019 election largely on the basis of

[00:01:18] actually going through with it and won pretty well. Despite everything that happened after

[00:01:22] that. So I think you shouldn't discount the fact of how many people then and possibly now,

[00:01:28] although it's a very much diminishing number. We've seen the problems though, haven't we? We've

[00:01:32] seen the obstacles, even though the obstacles were very clear to most of us beforehand.

[00:01:35] Yeah. A lot of people didn't see that Northern Ireland border, for example,

[00:01:38] or the fact that there would be customs controls. We were told...

[00:01:42] The fact that you might have to get a visa to go into Europe.

[00:01:44] Imagine that! Yes, all of that. And the fact that for generations our kids have

[00:01:48] been able to work not for generations, but for a long time our kids have been able to

[00:01:51] work wherever they wanted and now they've got limitations on all of that. So I think

[00:01:55] on reflection, most people would say, well, okay, if we can have all of that, and what we don't want

[00:01:58] to do though is go back in and join the Euro. We've got to maintain our sovereign currency.

[00:02:05] Oh right. Well you can't. I mean the Euro, the big problem, the fundamental problem with

[00:02:09] all of this gets down to the Euro being one currency, which Germany is a strong nation,

[00:02:15] so is France. They've got all the strength in what was the Deutsche Mark is controlling,

[00:02:19] the whole economy for Europe and we'd just be joining that. That's the mistake.

[00:02:25] I think so, yeah. If we didn't have a single currency and we just had a trading block

[00:02:30] and we had tariffs for imports, we had an element of protectionism, I think all of that

[00:02:34] works fine. I think it's just the currency. Well there's various doubts about that, but

[00:02:38] anyway, the point is I don't think... You see the lucky gives me a...

[00:02:43] Honestly, he's a farargest at heart. But the thing, the problem you've got is that

[00:02:48] we want to be close. We want to have trade relationships. We want all those advantages.

[00:02:53] I mean you can absolutely understand that there might be many people in Brussels going,

[00:02:56] oh no, not you lot again. We showed you the door once. Thank you very much.

[00:03:00] And that would be understandable too. Do you think so? Yes!

[00:03:03] I think they'd be quite happy to take us back. I think they'd be saying, well okay,

[00:03:08] there you are. You've done well done to demonstrating to everybody else that it just

[00:03:11] doesn't work leaving the EU, so we can look forward to a close chapter of European relations.

[00:03:16] We don't want to invite you straight back in, otherwise people say, well yes, we can leave

[00:03:19] and just come back in when we fancy it. It doesn't work. No, no, no. And you've got France and

[00:03:23] Germany that has two big beasts, and the great thing about all the others in the EU,

[00:03:26] they liked having Britain in because it balanced out the two big beasts essentially.

[00:03:30] Yes. And France and Germany hold most of the votes, hold most of the power,

[00:03:34] so they're not going to welcome Britain back for the same reason. So I think it's highly,

[00:03:38] highly dubious. But the thing is are there lots of things along the way that we could be

[00:03:43] doing. Like the halfway house missions. Yeah, I mean get closer, get all the rest of that,

[00:03:46] but they still seem all, you know, labor, terribly worried, oh gosh. No, we're not going

[00:03:50] back in, not in my lifetime so cute. I do like this idea that people under 30 can travel freely,

[00:03:54] and then everyone, the older people who voted for Brexit by and large can't.

[00:03:58] Their holiday homes are clearly not going to work, are they?

[00:04:02] No, well there we are. So yeah, they have to sell them to the under 30s.

[00:04:05] All those nice places they have in Spain and in Sicily and Malta.

[00:04:07] And they're not down priced to the under 30s, they can buy the houses off them.

[00:04:10] Well, let's talk to someone who knows in detail what this could mean potentially for Britain,

[00:04:16] how far, how close we could go. And that's David Hennick, he's director of the UK

[00:04:20] trade policy project at the European Centre for International Political Economy and he joins us

[00:04:25] now. So David, a question that we asked us before you came on, it seems to me like if we try and

[00:04:31] find some sort of compromise in our relationship with the rest of Europe, that's going to be

[00:04:37] problematic, it's going to take a long time. Might it not just be easier for us to all sort of

[00:04:42] confess that we made a bit of a mistake and we want to be back in again?

[00:04:46] That's a lot of people would like to the UK to confess we made a mistake and go straight back

[00:04:51] in. The word that is the problem there is easier. Would that be easier? No, I fear not. There's

[00:04:58] no straightforward path back now for the UK to rejoining the EU.

[00:05:05] Why is it not a straight path? I mean, if we exited one way, can't we just reverse whatever

[00:05:10] it is we did? I mean, clearly there is a process for new member countries and there

[00:05:14] in lies the problem. The process for new member countries is one that a number of countries are

[00:05:19] already going through. Obviously the most notable applicant is Ukraine but then there's Serbia,

[00:05:24] there's Turkey has been an applicant for an extremely long time and it's a matter of

[00:05:32] showing that you're going to meet all your treaty commitments. But it's also in convincing

[00:05:36] the existing members that you're going to be serious about that and that you're not just

[00:05:43] going to renege on all your commitments and I'm afraid that right now the UK is not in that

[00:05:49] position of being on the EU. Are you saying you've got a reputation?

[00:05:53] It's actually worse, I think, than most people realise the UK's reputation in Brussels. I

[00:05:59] have these conversations in basement meeting rooms of commissioned buildings and suddenly my

[00:06:05] interlocutor will say something like, well, of course you know what happened with a look of fear

[00:06:09] on their face. I'm thinking, well, I have no idea what happened but whatever it was clearly

[00:06:13] traumatised you quite deeply. I think there was some pretty awful negotiating practice in the

[00:06:18] room as it were where it was happening between 2018 and 2020. And then even then, since then,

[00:06:27] the UK has widely viewed to have not really fully implemented our commitments in the treaties.

[00:06:33] We're not viewed as really understanding the EU, understanding what it's about. So

[00:06:39] what I'm being told all the time is you've got to fix all of those things before you even think

[00:06:45] of rejoining. So even if they did start to trust us again, we'd be coming in under more

[00:06:51] onerous conditions because we had the best of both worlds in a way, didn't we? Well,

[00:06:55] we had the various opt-outs, didn't we? So we wouldn't get any of that, presumably,

[00:06:59] if we came back in. Well, these are interesting questions. So I mean,

[00:07:03] we had the opt-out, we didn't have to join the euro as a good example of that.

[00:07:07] We obviously had a budget rebate. We had various other bits and pieces of opt-outs,

[00:07:14] justice and home affairs special arrangements. It's not impossible that there would be

[00:07:19] opt-outs again, but that would be per negotiation. And you start with a position

[00:07:24] that probably wouldn't be, and you certainly can't go back to the EU and say, well, we're prepared

[00:07:29] to join as long as you give us the deal exactly that we want. That's not exactly showing

[00:07:37] penitence for past behavior. So it's not impossible that you might get opt-outs.

[00:07:43] I think it's possible to argue you might get one on the euro, for example.

[00:07:48] Right. That was going to be my next question. So you think that they would say, well, okay,

[00:07:51] you don't have to join the euro? Because I imagine everybody who joins the EU now is being told,

[00:07:56] well, you're going to become a full member and you're going to be part of the euro as well.

[00:08:00] I mean, in these sorts of negotiations, if there is a real stumbling block,

[00:08:05] otherwise everybody is happy with everything, then often a fudge can be found. So it might not be

[00:08:09] you don't have to join the euro, but it could easily be we'll have a review on joining the

[00:08:14] euro in five years after your membership or 10 years after your membership, which is kicking

[00:08:18] it into the long grass. So once you establish the framework for things, don't underestimate

[00:08:22] the creativity of negotiators to bring forward an outcome that sort of satisfies but doesn't

[00:08:30] quite satisfy either side. In fact, never mind rejoining the EU. I suspect we're going to see

[00:08:34] a lot of this in the next few years where the UK gradually creeps back into the EU orbit

[00:08:40] using creativity like that. In fact, I would argue we already did do that, some of that under

[00:08:45] I was going to say, and that's kind of where we're going. If effectively what you're saying

[00:08:49] is rejoining is not certainly an immediate option. What are the ways in which we could move back?

[00:08:55] Because we've seen what happened with Kerstama clearly signaling a willingness to be closer

[00:09:02] when he talks in France and also in Berlin. But what could be done? They sort of ruled out,

[00:09:09] I suppose, the single market, certainly free movement apart from perhaps for young people.

[00:09:14] So what could happen? And also, what did we do with Rishi Sunak? I must have missed that.

[00:09:19] She didn't seem particularly pro. Well, there's quite interesting bits of the Windsor framework

[00:09:24] that were negotiated. So obviously all the attention on the Windsor framework was on the

[00:09:28] ways the UK government might allow the Northern Ireland Assembly to not to align with the EU.

[00:09:35] What was missed in there, for example, was that the UK agreed to align a number of our

[00:09:39] policies for food coming into the UK with those of the EU in terms of SPS inspections in order

[00:09:46] for those to go to Northern Ireland. So there's a little bit of alignment that is hidden, but

[00:09:51] the UK committed to entreaty under Rishi Sunak. So SPS, this is sort of

[00:09:55] standard, veterinary standards, that kind of thing? These are inbound checks of food and

[00:10:00] drink coming from the rest of the world. So there was a little bit there. What I suspect,

[00:10:06] okay, what can you practically do? Lots of small things. So we already talk about a security

[00:10:12] partnership. Nobody quite knows what that's likely to mean, but we're talking about

[00:10:16] coordination of defence industries. You've already seen a lot of coordination around

[00:10:21] sanctions. We can reduce the number of checks on food and drink products that are going both ways.

[00:10:29] The UK could have mutual recognition agreements with the EU that if a product was okay for sale

[00:10:34] in the UK, it was okay for sale in the EU. We could join the regional rules of origin scheme,

[00:10:41] which is all a bit technical, but basically there is something called the Pan Euro Med Convention

[00:10:46] on Rules of Origin and that potentially puts you back into a deeper cooperation with all

[00:10:53] the countries around the EU as well as the EU itself. So join the EU with the

[00:10:59] We'll go back to you, listen just a second. Just on that, on that rules of origin.

[00:11:03] So you bring a good in from outside the EU and from outside the UK and you add value to it.

[00:11:09] That's what that should be related to as to how much you can add value, how much of the

[00:11:13] original product can come from overseas, that sort of thing? The way it works if you're in this

[00:11:20] Pan Euro Med area is if for example you're exporting a product to the EU

[00:11:27] and then it's going to be further exported to Serbia, then that effectively becomes fine.

[00:11:32] The rules of origin are the other same whereas otherwise it can be quite tricky to do that.

[00:11:40] We see it in the other way around as well at the moment that there are various

[00:11:44] EU processing centres such as flowers in Amsterdam or fish in Belogne in France.

[00:11:49] At the moment you can't just export from a neighbouring country into the EU and then

[00:11:54] on to the UK it doesn't meet the rules of origin criteria for coming from the EU.

[00:11:59] What joining the scheme does is it means that you do meet the rule of origin criteria so you

[00:12:04] do get it tariff free. What it means in practical terms is that it removes a big barrier to the

[00:12:08] UK being part of industrial supply chains which is exactly the sort of thing the Labour

[00:12:13] Government wants to be part of is ensuring that the UK manufacturers can supply into the EU

[00:12:21] who can in turn supply around the region. What about the idea of free ports that the last

[00:12:26] government had? I mean that was part of trying to bring in add value and presumably export to Europe.

[00:12:31] And also exploit the fact that we are out of Europe and then that was the free port thing.

[00:12:35] Was that sound thinking or was it not working in practice?

[00:12:38] Well in practice with free ports is a problem anyway in that it was never entirely clear how

[00:12:42] those sit alongside the trade and cooperation agreement with the EU. The idea of free ports

[00:12:49] you're basically processing goods from other countries and re-exporting them without having

[00:12:55] to pay duties in the UK. In reality there's not a lot of that that goes on anyway so the answer is

[00:13:02] by and large they were likely to be a distraction from most of this.

[00:13:09] I mean would Europe have taken them? Would Europe have taken those goods or would Europe

[00:13:13] say hang on a second? A little unclear because there's a couple of factors there. State aid

[00:13:18] is a big factor as to whether there's there's illegal state aid going on there and then there's

[00:13:23] a factor of to what extent they're actually covered in UK, EU and the trade and cooperation

[00:13:29] agreement. That's an even more technical question than I can get into now because I'd

[00:13:34] actually have to check it all. Yeah let's roll it back a little bit because I mean you know we

[00:13:40] are representing this from a fairly pro-EU point of view that we all have here but there will

[00:13:45] be people who say well the if we are aligning with EU standards and the various agreements

[00:13:51] you've been mentioning and basically going along with that was there is there any loss of

[00:13:58] advantage that we had by being outside that when everyone thinks of Brexit you know the

[00:14:02] fact is we are in that state at the moment. Is there anything we're losing by entering

[00:14:07] these agreements that we're talking about? In reality no, in reality the EU is the

[00:14:13] regulatory hegemon for goods and aligning our regulations in goods there is there are regulations

[00:14:21] everywhere. There is this idea that somehow there's a whole other bunch of regulations or that the

[00:14:27] EU is the only country that regulates, everyone regulates, they all regulate slightly differently,

[00:14:33] the EU is considered the most important global regulator particularly for goods and therefore

[00:14:39] meeting the EU regulations actually helps to sell your products globally as well because it's a kind

[00:14:45] of badge that you meet what is perceived to be the highest standards in the world. So

[00:14:51] it doesn't really lose you anything, it certainly doesn't lose you anything with most the rest

[00:14:56] of the world with the US there was always this question because they have different food

[00:14:59] standards but everybody has more or less ruled out these food standards which is the famous

[00:15:04] chlorine washed chicken and Hortmone treated beef so in reality no there's no real loss to it

[00:15:11] the only sector where the UK is in effect its own rule maker is really in financial services and

[00:15:17] there you'll note there's no great appetite to suddenly align our rules there with the

[00:15:24] That's an interesting area actually because you know as you said and it's a huge part of the

[00:15:27] UK economy the financial services area and in any of these movements back towards Brussels

[00:15:35] if some of that going to be hampered I mean we know that Frankfurt and Paris up to a point

[00:15:39] were quite keen to take some of that business where does it position us now if we're beginning

[00:15:46] to go back to Brussels on these things could some of that independence going to go?

[00:15:50] That's an interesting question I don't think not in the initial period but I think that's

[00:15:55] a question that people will start to think of say towards the end of this government if they've

[00:15:59] achieved a few of these small movements back towards the EU will countries like Germany, France,

[00:16:05] Ireland think actually we don't want them moving any closer we do we did quite well

[00:16:10] grabbing some of their business I'm not sure that that will that will come up

[00:16:15] so much because I think that a lot of that adjustment has now happened so I think that's

[00:16:22] banks have set up their own operations in Europe for example they've got and as small as they

[00:16:27] can get away with basically to carry on doing trade haven't they I mean it's

[00:16:31] as you say I think it's I think that horse has bolted and was probably not too much can change

[00:16:35] I think that a lot of horses have bolted I think a lot of the things that we assume

[00:16:40] might happen and when this is down to customs union single market but it also includes

[00:16:44] the simple rejoin but it also includes whether we're going to have dynamic alignment or ECJ

[00:16:52] oversight or all of these these are kind of old arguments from when we still hadn't actually left

[00:16:57] now we've left it's a different case now it's a case of small changes and negotiating your way

[00:17:05] through them rather than some sort of huge thing like we're going to align absolutely all of our

[00:17:11] regulations with the EU in whole sectors or whatever it's going to be more piecemeal than that

[00:17:17] so we need to align though I mean if we want to take chicken from America that has been

[00:17:23] chlorine washed or whatever they want to wash in it and treat cows however they want to treat them

[00:17:29] if we want to take that food then we can't we don't have to align with the EU it's just

[00:17:32] anything we're selling into the EU obviously has to be aligned with their requirements

[00:17:37] and shouldn't we if we're going to do a lot more of that surely if they're setting standards

[00:17:42] we'd want to have a seat at the table wouldn't we on that to actually have a you know have a

[00:17:45] say in the regulations if we are inputting into it. A couple of big questions there

[00:17:50] I mean on the second one we have half a seat at the table anyway because a lot of these regulations

[00:17:54] get discussed in international fora for example on animal health standards you've got the

[00:18:02] a couple of organisations that do that you obviously got the got the WTO the UK has some

[00:18:09] some sway on that anyway we've already aligned in terms of voluntary standards we're part of

[00:18:16] the European standardisation framework as we were before Brexit so in a sense we still have a

[00:18:27] influence but clearly not as much as we did have. On the question of can we just let anything come in

[00:18:34] and then sell what we want in area like agriculture possibly not where the EU is checking to see whether

[00:18:42] what we send to them could be contaminated and the more risk there is or that the UK is not

[00:18:48] really checking or has very different rules for food coming in the less likely you are to get

[00:18:53] significant easements for your own exports so you have to consider those sorts of issues and in

[00:18:59] general there's not a great deal of consumer demand for that so in all of these areas you are

[00:19:05] considering it one area for example where the UK might continue to diverge is genetically modified

[00:19:10] food where we never quite had the same view as the EU but that might not actually make a

[00:19:16] difference in terms of exporting food there but I can imagine that that will be quite a

[00:19:21] subject of discussion and negotiators are just going to be at that level of detail so for all

[00:19:26] Kirsten Armour's sort of big picture we want to reset it's all going to come down to lots of these

[00:19:32] small details in meeting rooms. What about you know you mentioned the Windsor framework earlier

[00:19:37] and that was a huge problem the whole Northern Ireland question and even the Windsor framework

[00:19:41] in the end it always seemed to be you have a fundamental issue is Northern Ireland separate

[00:19:47] from the rest of Ireland or is it not is there a hard board or is there not and all the implications

[00:19:52] that that has or whether indeed there was a border down the Irish Sea which was one of the

[00:19:56] odd ideas at one point. Is there any likely movement on that because a lot of people think even with

[00:20:01] the Windsor framework it hasn't really been sorted out. It's an interesting question because if

[00:20:06] you go to Brussels or Berlin as I did in the last few months you'll find they ask about Northern

[00:20:11] Ireland they continue to be interested in a little bit concerned and actually it's somewhere

[00:20:15] that the UK maybe can take a little bit of advantage of now it wants closer ties at a UKU level

[00:20:21] is that there is concern that perhaps the Windsor framework arrangements still aren't really ideal

[00:20:26] and that a UK EU deal on food and drink products would really help stabilize things in in Northern

[00:20:34] Ireland so I think that that might happen. I think that the Windsor framework remains

[00:20:38] far from ideal in terms of the barriers it does put up between Great Britain and Northern Ireland

[00:20:44] so I expect there will be further movement. There's actually a problem it's not just on the UK side

[00:20:49] for what we ask it's on the EU side as well so I've had conversations with EU negotiators who say

[00:20:54] oh no we're not going to change this is it this is the final version and then I say well what if

[00:20:59] the UK wants to do more to align more with the EU so in the EU hasn't necessarily thought

[00:21:06] everything through either so whereas we're used to quick negotiations taking place

[00:21:12] Brexit all negotiated in a fortnight for under Boris Johnson or a trading cooperation agreement in a

[00:21:16] few months I think now we have to get used to slower time where these things are going to be

[00:21:21] discussed over periods of months and years and Northern Ireland will be one of those.

[00:21:26] Yeah it's all happening at EU speed rather than the oven baked solution that you just take out.

[00:21:31] Yeah it's no longer oven baked, yeah no longer and certainly not in the microwave.

[00:21:34] So what about you know if we find that the easiest way of moving forward is that we

[00:21:40] basically operate to EU standards you know domestically as well as you know whatever we're

[00:21:45] shipping backwards and forwards to Europe we you know we say well okay we're going to follow

[00:21:49] those standards as well so you don't have any concerns that we are in effect operating almost

[00:21:53] as though we are part of Europe I mean that might expedite negotiations on getting stuff

[00:21:59] traffic through customs that little bit quicker for example but I mean a Brexiteer would say well

[00:22:04] on that case in that case we have gained nothing at all. Well that is what some of them are already

[00:22:09] saying is we're gaining nothing at all but what are we actually thinking we're gaining I mean

[00:22:16] it was never entirely clear but you know was being able to set our own food and drink standards

[00:22:22] for something that's mostly global was that really something that we were brexiting for?

[00:22:27] We're outside the common agricultural policy, we're outside the common fisheries policy

[00:22:30] but we still have shared waters so we have to negotiate over fish. We're outside the direct

[00:22:36] jurisdiction of the ECJ we don't have free movement so you know it depends what you know

[00:22:42] does it really come down to we have to be outside of everything and in that case well

[00:22:45] that's the North Korea version of brexit because in reality these are international matters

[00:22:51] the setting of rules and regulations. It's not an you know only North Korea stands outside

[00:22:58] of that and I don't think that's you know that's not realistic it's not what anybody

[00:23:02] wants we're a trading economy inevitably we are going to end up meeting some of the

[00:23:07] standards and regulations of our largest trading partner by far which is the EU.

[00:23:11] What about the freedom of movement you mentioned it then it's something we haven't really focused

[00:23:15] on there is this suggestion that young people maybe there may be some system of young people

[00:23:19] being able to have free movement within a certain time period but in the end I mean a lot of

[00:23:24] the push to brexit of course was to do with migration still something that hasn't been

[00:23:29] sorted in any way really is there a movement area on that away from goods and services coming

[00:23:36] back to actual basics of moving people around and what could work on that front. So the idea was

[00:23:41] 30 wasn't it? Yeah I used to have 30. Well yeah then for a short period possibly but a test

[00:23:46] period but do you think that's the way forward David? Well it's something that the EU has asked

[00:23:50] for a youth mobility scheme partly because the UK had opened talks with a number of member states

[00:23:55] some of whom were happy to keep that going bilaterally and some of whom

[00:24:00] said we're not happy to do this bilaterally we want it to be done at the EU level and they

[00:24:04] won in that respect. It is only youth mobility at this point and it's not freedom of movement

[00:24:10] it's a one or two year visa usually it may be numbers capped that will allow people from

[00:24:16] both sides to travel and work to the other one. I think that it's going to have to happen

[00:24:22] because it's now becoming a EU ask so the UK is going to have to accept that if we want our own

[00:24:28] asks to be taken seriously. It's a good move for I mean you're saying that we'll have to but I mean

[00:24:33] it's a good move forward isn't it for young people all of a sudden that ability to go and

[00:24:38] work in Europe which has been taken away from them by old people who for whatever reason

[00:24:43] chose to go the way they did. I mean for those young people it's the opportunities return

[00:24:47] even if it's only for a couple of years it's better than nothing at all. For UK folk wanting

[00:24:51] to work for example on with the holiday tour companies which has been taken away from that's

[00:24:57] something good. I wouldn't underestimate either the kind of soft power influence that people working

[00:25:02] in London have. The UK's best ally at the moment in the whole EU system is Ursula von der Leyen

[00:25:07] why she spent a year in London as a student. Something that's incredibly symbolic on the

[00:25:13] EU side is could the UK rejoin Erasmus? Now I've been told this can be very cynical it

[00:25:18] could do UK rejoin Erasmus because there's certainly EU officials would like their children to

[00:25:22] be able to come to the UK. We should say Erasmus is a system where people could students from

[00:25:27] any country could go and study effectively for a while at universities in the other one.

[00:25:31] Yes that's right sorry about that but essentially this is something that apparently Boris Johnson

[00:25:37] more or less on a whim said no we're not doing but it's really symbolic to the EU if you

[00:25:41] want to build friendship but also build strong relations for the future that future

[00:25:47] influencers are going to be warmly disposed towards the UK then actually you want to do

[00:25:53] these things for youth mobility scheme or student exchanges or whatever. I mean when

[00:25:59] people talk some of the people even working on this policy area in government have talked about

[00:26:03] maybe we could have an MLCMS which they call a midlife crisis mobility scheme but I'm afraid

[00:26:08] doesn't quite get you as much good will and there's rather less demand for it I'm afraid.

[00:26:14] It's a shame but there is a sense that that is something that has been lost

[00:26:19] and I think more British people feel that than feel perhaps as much about trade ties or whatever it is

[00:26:25] a sense that you know all those who've had holiday homes in Spain and then realize they

[00:26:29] couldn't necessarily go easily and now we're talking about visas and visa waiver forms

[00:26:33] and all kinds of things. I mean that seems to me politically could be a reasonably

[00:26:38] easy thing to reopen particularly if it goes alongside greater cooperation in terms of stopping

[00:26:44] I don't know small boats and what have you. It's a shift in attitude isn't it because I remember

[00:26:47] I went lived out of the country for 25 years when I left this was in the late 80s only 90s

[00:26:53] and I was a young man back in those days and everyone you know young people were saying

[00:26:57] you know how glad they were that they were European we know it was being part of Europe

[00:27:01] was just as important as being part of Britain. I was quite shocked to come back and find that

[00:27:06] you know that attitude had completely shifted but you know I mean that's the healthy environment

[00:27:11] we're talking about isn't it to be able to return to that way of thinking where we are

[00:27:15] European and we you know we don't have to be part of the EU to be European perhaps.

[00:27:20] I can see some some brexitter objections to that entirely but I suppose yes clearly from those who

[00:27:30] want to be part of Europe. One of the points I often make think about though from the brexit side

[00:27:39] of things is you know they do need brexit to be stable I mean if you look at countries that chose

[00:27:44] not to be part of the EU Switzerland and Norway and that are relatively happy not being part of

[00:27:49] the EU they do have a stable and a close relationship so I do think that the the

[00:27:55] folk who want nothing to do with Europe they they kind of deny that reality that actually

[00:28:00] most people even those who voted for brexit don't want to be stuck in queues at passport don't mind

[00:28:05] some youth mobility and various of these other things so yeah in in that sense I think that

[00:28:13] the Labour government should be making a stronger case for doing some of this stuff

[00:28:17] just as it just makes sense for geography it makes sense for all our lives

[00:28:22] and it doesn't really talk to to rejoining so you know I said I don't think it does

[00:28:27] what do you think we've lost and what do we need to get back I guess that's the you know

[00:28:31] perhaps the question I should have asked at the beginning you could spend half an hour

[00:28:34] answering it because that seems like the most fundamental question how do we get back you

[00:28:37] know just somewhere close to where we were well in you know in trade terms you're not going

[00:28:42] to get that close to back to where you were without rejoining but in terms of getting your

[00:28:47] reputation back as a reasonable country you just implement what you've actually said you were

[00:28:52] going to implement and you negotiate in good faith you negotiate cleverly you say here are the

[00:28:58] things we want we we are very happy to listen to the things you want let's have a negotiation

[00:29:02] and let's find a mutual deal you you act like a normal country is what we've lost in the

[00:29:08] last few years with regard to the EU and the first thing that we need to get back is that

[00:29:14] credibility and reputation as people who are reasonable to do business and are we doing that

[00:29:21] with the changing government now we've made a reasonable start so the travels that have been

[00:29:28] made by Kerst Armour and others in the cabinet have been appreciated the phone calls that were

[00:29:33] made to commissioners were appreciated the response on youth mobility to what the EU was saying

[00:29:39] was definitely not appreciated and was the subject of rather a lot of concern among among

[00:29:45] ambassadors in London for example so sort of seven or eight out of ten though which is a huge

[00:29:52] amount better than Rishi Sunek was more or less sort of keeping this under under wraps and sort of

[00:29:57] everything was in cold storage but at least it wasn't as hostile as under Boris Johnson

[00:30:01] he had a huge problem to deal with I mean he had his you know his back benches his party

[00:30:06] to deal with what Kerst Armour's got is a huge majority and a sense that the opinion polls are

[00:30:11] certainly pushing the the idea that actually people are far more open to coming back towards

[00:30:16] Europe far more positive about Europe in a way you almost wonder why he isn't doing more in all

[00:30:22] that there's a lot of concern in labour senior circles that they don't want to be seen as

[00:30:29] the remain party immediately running back towards the EU so I understand that but I think they

[00:30:33] need to I think what they haven't thought of is finding a new narrative I do tend to think that

[00:30:39] a more gifted communicator a bled I would find Derek Derwan say it for the older listeners a

[00:30:46] third way to to describe UK EU relations and to make make it sound acceptable both to those who

[00:30:53] want to leave and to those who wanted to remain and want to rejoin to say you know look we're

[00:30:57] in the position we are but here are the things that we can do with the EU and this reflects

[00:31:02] the majority opinion so I think that's where Labour does need to move to and I think they will

[00:31:06] very slowly I do think they've slightly missed that opportunity at the moment well I think they've

[00:31:11] got this awful you know it's a scar that they carry over what happened in their reputation

[00:31:16] over the whole EU thing and Brexit thing and this was toxic you know so you have to rope it

[00:31:21] off and not touch it and they haven't quite realised it seems to me that they've got beyond

[00:31:25] that point well I think not only has the public gone beyond that but I think you can't rope

[00:31:29] it off or sweep it I use the very sweep it under the carpet it's too much under the carpet there

[00:31:33] are too many things going on there too many issues that just need to be resolved so you

[00:31:38] can't just hide it away from public view not when the energy companies for example

[00:31:43] energy infrastructure companies not the ones who provide our gas and electricity when they're

[00:31:48] saying we need cooperation to make sure that our interconnectors work and North Sea wind

[00:31:53] farms work properly those those sorts of issues you have to deal with on with with neighbours

[00:31:59] migration you have to deal with with with neighbours even that's before you get onto trade and 50

[00:32:04] 50% of your trade but arrivals are up passport so just you can't sweep it under the carpet

[00:32:09] Northern Ireland another another example Gibraltar negotiations have been underway for several

[00:32:14] years there and real concerns as to whether that will come to a conclusion so too big to

[00:32:20] ignore I'm afraid despite their hopes well and we can look forward to a period where we you know

[00:32:26] hopefully do return to somewhere close to where we were and and that soft power they were talking

[00:32:31] about by having more world leaders educated in in London because you know so many of them have been

[00:32:37] you know Gaddafi, Maghabi but David yes let's not go down that route but but David if you

[00:32:42] were taking a guess about the time so we you know we got this government presumably for five

[00:32:46] years potentially another one after that depending on how Father Tory party falls apart

[00:32:51] if by the time of the next election do you think it will look very different that relationship with

[00:32:56] customs? It will feel different I think because a lot of these things will these relations will

[00:33:02] have got deeper there will just be a different atmosphere there will be less mistrust around

[00:33:06] I'm not sure how different it would actually look I think some of the details will be

[00:33:10] better in specific cases but I think a lot of the broad picture will be the same and where

[00:33:15] I think that leads us to is that in three or four years time I see a much bigger debate breaking out

[00:33:20] in the UK about okay are we actually happy with this or do we want to go much further and start

[00:33:26] thinking about about rejoining so I think that's where it comes in I think it's three or four

[00:33:30] years of slightly tedious work to re-establish the relationship rebuild reset indeed then

[00:33:39] are you happy with what you've reset or you know where do we go from here?

[00:33:44] But it's interesting you know so four years down the track you see that we could

[00:33:48] perhaps be talking about rejoining it's not totally cut out for a generation it could happen

[00:33:54] I don't think it's it's cut out at all I mean there are people talking about rejoining now

[00:33:58] but I just don't see it as a as a big groundswell of opinion and we'll be interested to see if

[00:34:03] in three or four years time the organizations who want to rejoin have managed to find a new

[00:34:10] way of talking about this that builds much broader support so I think they also need a little bit

[00:34:16] of a reset in how they're thinking away from the simple rejoining towards here's a process but here's

[00:34:22] a way to make this an attractive process and something the country actually wants to go through

[00:34:27] and it does sound like we'd be we have been on both sides kicking the can down the road over

[00:34:30] some of those difficult questions when it comes to you know the border issues in particular

[00:34:35] are they going to reach ahead so supposedly we're going to find there's going to be delays at

[00:34:39] the border because there's going to be more checks that have to be carried out people have got to get

[00:34:43] their visas in place so are we going to reach ahead on all of that stuff or do you think there's

[00:34:49] going to be more more of the kicking the can down the road because the consequences of it could be

[00:34:53] just too great on both sides really I think we will have the entry schemes that the the EU

[00:34:58] is talking about and the visa waiver schemes and at times that's going to be noticeable

[00:35:03] at the border as at times it already is but it won't be no it won't be always a big problem we

[00:35:11] won't there won't be permanent queues halfway from Dover to London but some of the time there is

[00:35:16] and we see that already so yeah sorry if this is all a bit of a sort of on the one hand on the

[00:35:21] other hand sort of thing but I just don't think we're going we're headed to a point where

[00:35:25] everything will suddenly be resolved or everything will suddenly get terrible we're just going to see

[00:35:29] sort of bits and pieces of progress nothing that sort of fundamentally changes everything

[00:35:36] happening let's politics yeah back in the EU in your lifetime David how old are you David

[00:35:43] yeah in my lifetime I have just uh just turned 52 um oh you're glad let's hope so then um

[00:35:50] I think we could I think we could see a much bigger move towards this

[00:35:58] in the in in the in the next 20 years I wouldn't want to to commit to that we will definitely be

[00:36:05] part of the EU but I wouldn't be surprised if there was a lot more of a push to do that or

[00:36:10] something similar uh in yeah in five to ten years interesting all right thank you so much

[00:36:16] for being with us David fascinating and uh yeah I hope you're right I'm stately nail my colors to

[00:36:22] the master yeah I don't know I don't think it was particularly well hidden good story Dave for many

[00:36:26] of us good story Dave we'll catch you again soon hopefully okay thank you thanks so next week

[00:36:31] telegram so they're the man behind telegram yes the founder and owner of telegram currently not

[00:36:36] actually under arrest but sort of under detention he can't leave France a lot of sharp

[00:36:41] intakes of breath he's actually normally based in Dubai though his origins in Russia

[00:36:45] but the French government moving against so what is he's being accused of is he spying for the

[00:36:50] Russians he's not been accused of anything what they say is they are holding him over an investigation

[00:36:54] to things that were done on on telegram essentially so making him responsible or

[00:37:00] potentially responsible it's the fear that telegram because he's Russian isn't it

[00:37:04] well in origin in origin but again they fell out with the Russians to some extent right um so

[00:37:09] it's a bit unclear but what you've got is a push back it seems against social media in some way

[00:37:15] so it's telegram obviously but then you also got what happened in Brazil yes X has been effectively

[00:37:19] closed down down good idea well yes but you know a free speech anyone you know as Elon Musk would

[00:37:26] undone questionably be saying but I mean that's and that's a fundamental question behind all of

[00:37:30] this isn't it because Elon Musk obviously does use that free speech argument all the time

[00:37:33] but it's a lot I've got more free speech than anybody else because I've got loads of money

[00:37:37] and I've got social media network exactly so it's it's how do you let how do you level off that

[00:37:41] free freedom of speech and is this a moment where big states big countries are beginning to push back

[00:37:48] against these non-state actors that have so much power if it's going to start anyway it's

[00:37:52] going to start in Europe isn't it because it seems to be just about the only area of the world

[00:37:55] that actually seems to have enough clout and the commitment to do this sort of thing yeah so

[00:38:00] I think and I think there is an appetite for it I think there's a feeling they have been

[00:38:04] for a long time unable to restrain these these people who own these these

[00:38:08] well they've had goats haven't they antitrust legislation not necessarily for social media for

[00:38:12] the ills of what it's doing to society but in terms of just its market power yeah but yeah the more

[00:38:18] fundamental question is it's with they are linked market power allows you to do what you want

[00:38:22] but it's what you're doing with that power well exactly and when it began to affect politics

[00:38:26] particularly but also you know as they say an ounce of crime child pornography all kinds

[00:38:31] of things on the on these sites but also the stirring up of the starting of you know conspiracy

[00:38:37] theories or the the the the the burgeoning of them and they saw with the right and then

[00:38:43] there's the question of balance so if Elon Musk for example gets appointed to become a

[00:38:47] minister or even just an advisor to the Trump government in the United States and he's got

[00:38:53] a whole social media network sitting behind him where's the balance there yes oh there's all

[00:38:57] sorts of issues to be considered but are and the last thing that's very likely I would think

[00:39:00] is the US government ever to move against these social media titans well Donald Trump's not going

[00:39:06] to win but neither Kamala Harris I doubt anyone would yeah but as you say maybe Europe's where

[00:39:11] it's beginning to start although interestingly also in Brazil it seems anyway that's what we're

[00:39:14] going to have a look at next week a sense of is this a moment of truth for these

[00:39:19] something called and robber barons who have wheeled so much power without any accountability

[00:39:22] is these tides starting to turn yeah well look at that next week on the why careful join us then

[00:39:27] thanks for listening today we'll catch you then bye the why curve